AUGUST 7, 1998. The hall of the district office of Lhokseumawe, North Aceh.
“After receiving the blessing from President Habibie, starting today, the Indonesian Military (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia/ABRI) revokes the Military Operation Zone (Daerah Operasi Militar/DOM) status from Aceh and will immediately withdraw its non-organic troops in September this year. Aceh is declared as a relatively safe zone.“
Wiranto delivered the above statements in front of the members of Regional Consultative Council (Musyawarah Pimpinan Daerah/Muspida), local public figures and religious leaders of Aceh as he announced Aceh no longer a Military Operation Zone. Wiranto was Minister of Security and Defense at that time, as well as Indonesian Military Chief (Panglima Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia).
Many who attended the declaration spontaneously exclaimed, “God is Great, God is Great (Allahu Akbar).” Some even shed their tears.
Before the Military Operation Zone status was lifted. Aceh witnesses a continuous wave of university student demonstrations. Three demands were brought: the revocation of Military Operation Zone status, the prosecution of human rights violators and the rejection of the re-establishment of Regional Military Command (Komando Daerah Militer/KODAM) in Aceh.
Aceh was given a Military Operation Status since Indonesian Military (ABRI, then it changed it names into Tentara Nasional Indonesia/TNI) launched a military operation in the area called Red Net Operation (Operasi Jaring Merah) for ten years, from 1989 to 1998. Indonesian Special Force (Satuan Komando Pasukan Khusus/Kopassus) is one of the main actors in the Red Net Operation. Prabowo Subianto was once the General Commander (Komandan Jenderal/Danjen) Kopassus from 1996 to 1998. He was deemed responsible for the atrocity in Aceh during the Military Operation Status.
In Aceh, August 21 and 23 1998, Team of National Commission of Human Rights (Tim Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia/Komnas HAM) led by Secretary General Baharuddin Lopa found at least 50 remains of the victims of Military Operation Zone status in two mass graves located in North Aceh and Pidie.
“It was the remains of former Indonesian Communist Party members,” Wiranto comments the finding of two mass graves.
Wiranto’s statement sparks anger on various human rights groups in Aceh and Jakarta. It is a mockery of logic. The brands of jeans and underwear worn by the victims are not available in 1965/1966.
The conflict in Aceh continues. Peace agreement sponsored by Henry Dunant Centre (HDC) hit a dead end. On May 19 2003, President Megawati signs Presidential Decree No 28/2003 declaring the commencement of martial law in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. This decree is a legal basis to launch military operations in Aceh.
Article 2 point 2 of the Presidential Decree stipulates:
“When martial law is in effect, control over the area is on the hand of the President, assisted by Central Daily Executive Board of Martial Law (Badan Pelaksana Harian Penguasa Darurat Militer Pusat) comprising of: 1) Coordinating Minister of Politics and Defense (Menteri Koordinator Bidang Politik dan Keamanan) as Head of the Executive Board…”
The fact that Megawati signs the Presidential Decree infuriates the people of Aceh for ignoring their sufferings. In charged as Central Daily Executive Board of Martial Law is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who was then Coordinating Minister of Politics and Defense.
In the 2009 Election, candidates for president and vice president have to go through a number of stages as stipulated in Decision Letter No 295/KPTS/KPU/2009 issued by General Election Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum/KPU). There are three pairs of president and vice president: Megawati and Prabowo, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and Boediono, and Jusuf Kalla (JK) and Wiranto.
In the eyes of the Aceh people, the hands of four of them –except Boediono – are dirty with Aceh conflict. On the contrary, JK is seen as responsible in building peace in Aceh.
In the 2009 Election, open debates between candidates of president and vice president are launched for the first time. It is regulated under General Election Commission Decision Letter No 35/2004 on presidential campaign. Article 26 point 1 states that:
“Public/open debates between two candidates or more is carried out in an in-door premise (building or radio/television station) led by one non-partisan moderator or more and attended by supporters or non supporters of the candidates amounting to the capacity of the premise.”
This regulation also stipulates that there are three debates between president candidates and twice between vice president candidates. On July 18 2009, the first debate between president candidates is broadcast lived by Trans TV, one of national television stations.
Muhammad Usman watches the program. He is a human rights activist. When the Military Operation Zone status was lifted from Aceh, Usman was still on his second grade of high school in Lhokseumawe, North Aceh.
“None of the candidates specifically discusses human rights issues,” he says.
Megawati explores her vision and mission by elaborating that the State should guarantee decent livelihood for marginalized people and respect all aspects of human rights.
SBY explains that one of his main strategies is to ensure non-discriminatory law enforcement and to eradicate corruption.
Meanwhile, JK intends to achieve a safe, welfare and peaceful State which upholds the law and human rights.
As the president and vice president of Indonesia in charge, SBY and JK successfully build peace in Aceh. During their administration, Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia agree to end an almost 30 years in conflict in Aceh.
Peace means forgiveness but not forgetting. Crime against humanity and human rights violations should be prosecuted and perpetrators have to be brought to justice.
Zulfikar, Coordinator of Banda Aceh Legal Aid Foundation Lhokseumawe Post, watches the first president candidate debates. He says, “None of them specifically addresses past human rights violations."
“For the people in Aceh, past violations should be revealed,” he says.
Regarding the past, Rusli remembers promises made by Megawati Soekarno. Rusli is one of the victims of KNPI Building case. Megawati guarantees that no more blood will be shed in Aceh. She was SBY’s predecessor.
“Yeah, look what happen when she was in power,” Rusli challenges.
He vows not to vote for Megawati for president for the second time.
The case of KNPI (Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia) Building takes place on January 9 1999.
The 1999 Charisma Task Force Joint Team (Tim Gabungan Satuan Tugas Wibawa) launched raids to arrest residences in Pusong village, Bandar Sakti district and nearby areas. Those arrested then dragged into KNPI building on the street of Iskandar Muda, Lhokseumawe, where they were tortured. Five people died, 23 were seriously injured and the rest suffered minor injuries. Military officers involved in the incident were brought to military courts. Major Infantry Bayu Nadjib received a sentence of six years of imprisonment and a dismissal from his military position. Besides Bayu, four other military officers were also sentenced – Chief Private (Prajurit Kepala) Amsir, Second Private Muhun Harahap, Second Private Effendi and First Private Manolan Situmorang. However, nobody knows where Bayu Nadjib and his colleagues are detained.
On July 29 1999, Megawati delivered a speech in Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan/PDIP) in Lenteng Agung, Jakarta. The wave of euphoria engulfed the party’s supporters as it won the 1999 legislative election. In the victory speech, as the leader of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, Megawati declared the following. “My Acehnese brothers and sisters, please be patient. When this country is lead by your big sister (Cut Nyak), I will not shed any blood of my people dripped onto the Land of Rencong (traditional Aceh blade) – which has played a key role in Indonesian independence. I give my love to all of you…” Then she took her handkerchief to wipe the tears in her eyes.
Her statement was published by a number of media – both local and national.
On September 8 2001, in the Baiturrahman Grand Mosque of Banda Aceh, President Megawati apologized for wrongdoings committed by her predecessor in handling the situation in Aceh.
“Therefore, we have to use non-violent measures,” she says.
All of those are merely lip service in politics.
Fitriana still remembers how her first and second brothers were killed before her eyes on July 20 2002. They were murdered by Intelligence Joint Force (Satuan Gabungan Intelijen/SGI) in front of their house in Paloh Lada village, Dewantara, North Aceh.
“I incline to vote for JK but I reconsider my choice as he partners with Wiranto – whom I hate. There is a possibility that I will not vote at all since none of those three appeals to me,” Fitriana says.
Wiranto as vice president to Jusuf Kala was gravels to the shoes of JK-Wiranto Aceh Campaign Team (Tim Pemenangan JK dan Wiranto untuk Aceh). Instead of JK-Wiranto pictures, most banners display pictures of JK and his wife Mufidah. Some banners even drop the name Wiranto completely, as they show the name “the People of Aceh for Jusuf Kalla” (Mapro JK/Masyarakat Aceh Pro Jusuf Kalla).
Murthala, Head of North Aceh Community for Human Right Victims (Komunitas Korban Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia Aceh Utara/K2HAU) swears he will not vote for JK-Wiranto because there is hearsay of Wiranto stating how he does not need any Aceh people as Aceh land is all he is after. Murthala, of course, does not hear the words directly from Wiranto, it is passed along as word-of-mouth.
According to Marzuki, Head of Golongan Karya Party Lhokseumawe City branch, this false myth is merely a black campaign launched by other candidates.
“It is not true. It was said by Ryamizard Ryacudu, Military Chief of Staff, when he launches a bridge in Lhok Nga, Banda Aceh,” Marzuki explains. “I was there at that time,“ he says to me as I visit his office in Lhokseumawe.
In Aceh, the toughest competition is between SBY and JK – both claim to play the pivotal role in building peace in Aceh.
"Peace does not fall from the sky. I work hard days and nights to build peace in Aceh, without any expectation of gaining any recognition such as Nobel Prize," JK once says, as quoted by Detikcom news website.
SBY’s claim is more or less similar. Muhammad Hasbi, Regional Campaign Secretary for SBY-Boediono and Secretary of Democrat Party for the City of Lhokseumawe, explains, “SBY says he is the one who calls the UN Secretary General, Koffi Annan and Martti Ahtisaari to become the mediators to ensure the peace process sails smoothly.”
On February 23 2009, Hasbi met SBY in one of the hotels in Banda Aceh. At that time, he delivered a talk on human rights enforcement program. “We do not ignore human rights but the emphasis is on the establishment of long-lasting peace,” Hasbi says, imitating SBY.
Human rights activists and victims were disappointed by SBY’s statement – since they cannot have peace they deserve without justice.
“SBY as the incumbent should put more efforts to the enforcement of human rights in Aceh. However, the annulment of Truth and Reconciliation Commission Law happens in his term and as a result, Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission cannot be established,” Muhammad Usman explains.
“So, should this be continued?” Usman asks, quoting “Continue” – a slogan for SBY-Boediono.***
*) Mustawalad is Aceh Feature contributor. He lives in Takengon, Central Aceh.
